Holy Roman Empire

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The air was crisp and the harvest bountiful, marking yet another prosperous year.

Franz had been in a good mood lately; Russia and Austria had reached an agreement, and it seemed the dust of the Near East conflict had finally settled.

As for the Greek people, it wouldn’t be long before they accepted reality. If it weren’t for the constant unrest stirred by the nationalists at home, King Ludwig would have compromised much earlier.

Ambition requires strength to back it up—a common man may be ignorant of this, but the ruling class must remain clear-headed.

King Ludwig, hailing from a small nation, naturally understood the survival strategies for small countries.

After losing the Bavarian throne, the Wittelsbach Dynasty was able to rise again in the Kingdom of Lombardy, not merely through kinship ties.

Had they not recognized the changing tides and conceded to Austria decisively, Franz would not have arranged a favorable position for them regardless of how they presented themselves.

...

In Athens, inside the Greek Palace, the atmosphere was oppressively tense, as the recent gloom on Ludwig I’s face made everyone tread lightly around him.

Indeed, anyone in his shoes would hardly fare better; Greek nationalism was a significant trouble.

"Great Greece" was a trap, the kind that a nation would surely perish in, yet Greek nationalists were treating it as their goal, ready to implement it.

The vision of "Great Greece" included Constantinople, expanding the country’s territorial size to about five or six times its current area.

To achieve this goal, the prerequisites would be to "punch Austria and kick Russia."

Frankly, such a grand strategy was not something an average person could conceive; at least Ludwig I wouldn’t dare to entertain the thought.

The Ottoman Empire had fallen, and Greek nationalism was boiling over again. One by one, the people demanded this and that from the government, without considering whether they had the "strength" to wrest away the spoils of war.

Ever since word spread that the government intended to give up its claims on the territories of the Asia Minor Peninsula, nationalists had launched massive protest demonstrations.

Even within the palace walls, Ludwig I could hear the outcry from the Greek public. But no matter how loud their voices were, they needed to be able to make it happen.

Ludwig I inquired, "Won’t the people outside disperse?"

Prime Minister Kalioxiu replied, "Yes, Your Majesty. The government has sent people to explain, but sadly, they were unable to persuade them.

These people have gone mad, completely bereft of thought. It’s a mystery what chaos the signing of the treaty will spark."

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A mere unfounded rumor had already ignited massive protests; the consequences would be predictable if the rumor turned into reality.

Ludwig I shook his head: "These people are just pawns propelled by those scoundrels; I refuse to believe they are unaware of the consequences of their actions.

If the Austrians are truly provoked, wiping out Greece would benefit them as well. Just look at the routes of the demonstrations; the organizers deliberately avoid the embassy district.

Do they think this will make us capitulate? Or do they believe they can use nationalism to chase away me, the king they so despise?"

Nationalism is only one aspect; the greater conflict stems from the industrialization reforms that Ludwig I is pushing forward, which seriously harm the interests of those who currently benefit.

Greece is a small country with neither a sufficient market for selling goods nor sources of raw materials. To achieve the initial accumulation of capital, there was no choice but to intensify domestic exploitation.

Under these conditions, it’s only natural that Ludwig I, promoting industrialization, was unpopular.

Prime Minister Kalioxiu suggested, "Your Majesty, you really don’t have to do this. A step back may lead to a broader horizon, and there’s no harm in industrialization taking a slower pace."

As a prime minister born and raised in Greece, Kalioxiu still held great affection for the country.

Being in a position of power, he naturally knew that propelling industrialization was the optimal choice, and the sooner, the better, as waiting would only increase the difficulty.

However, things that seem wonderful might not necessarily be practical.

The Conservative faction, opposing reforms, unleashed an even more frenzied wave of nationalism, aiming to force the government to backpedal.

With the madness of capital beyond imagination, the ordinary people’s lives grew harder. Without supporting the king, Ludwig I’s reforms quickly reached a deadlock.

After weighing the pros and cons, Ludwig I let out a sigh of resignation and then said, "Enough, if everyone dislikes the reforms, why should I be the villain to force them through?

Cancel all industrial plans, open up the cotton exports as they wish, and just obediently..."

There was no other way—such was the harsh reality. The industrial benefits lay in the future, while the profits from cotton exports were immediate.

Despite the large number of cotton producers worldwide, the international market still faced a supply shortage. Almost every cotton exporting country was reaping enormous profits.

The prohibition of cotton exports imposed by Ludwig I recently, in an effort to advance Greece’s industrialization, became the spark that intensified the conflict.

...

On October 13, 1883, Greece relinquished its territorial claims on the Asia Minor Peninsula, and the four countries of the Anti-Turkish Alliance reached an agreement on the distribution of post-war spoils.

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According to the agreement, the Greece Government could receive compensation in the form of one first-class battleship (displacing 8000~10000 tons, ironclad ship) and one second-class battleship (displacing 5000~7000 tons, ironclad ship).

And then there was no ’then’. Despite the Greece Government deploying many more troops than the Montenegro Duchy, their military achievements were quite disappointing.

If it wasn’t for their contributions during the postwar peacekeeping, they likely would have been fobbed off with just one battleship.

As for the issue of heavy casualties? Unfortunately, heavy casualties were Greece’s own problem, and could not be considered a contribution.

Of course, the Vienna Government still showed some consideration. It promised to sell two battleships and five destroyers to them at half price, valid for two years.

It wasn’t just Greece, Montenegro who were compensated with warships; even the Russians were not exempt.

According to the treaty, in addition to economic compensation paid, the Vienna Government would have to deliver to the Tsarist Government three first-class battleships, two second-class battleships, and four destroyers within the next five years.

All were gifts from Austria, so naturally not much could be nitpicked. Specifications and such could be omitted; wanting good quality goods would require extra payment.

Deep down, Ludwig I did not want these warships. Given the choice, he would much rather have received cash compensation.

Unfortunately, the Vienna Government wouldn’t agree, offering just the two ships as compensation; not taking them would mean forgoing the compensation altogether.

Putting down the treaty at hand, Ludwig I asked concernedly, "What about the Greek people within the Ottoman Empire? Haven’t the Austrians given a reply?"

Foreign Minister Nislafov answered bitterly, "The Vienna Government has already subcontracted all immigration work within the Ottoman territory to the Russians, including the Greek people.

This issue will need to be discussed with the Russians. In Constantinople, I’ve already made contact with the Russian representatives, but the results are not encouraging. n/ô/vel/b//in dot c//om

The Russians suggest we take our people away ourselves, otherwise, after they have relocated the other ethnicities, they will arrange the Greeks’ relocation in turn."

Thinking about resettlement costs is useless; once money has entered the Tsarist Government’s coffers, it’s not likely to come out again.

If the Greece Government is willing to take the people away, it would even save the Russians some expenses, otherwise, the Tsarist Government wouldn’t have left the Greek people until the end.

Ludwig I hesitated. Without any compensation to settle hundreds of thousands of people, this was already beyond the Greek Government’s capacity.

Keep in mind, in those days the Greek population had just slightly surpassed a million; where was the government to create hundreds of thousands of jobs?

Prime Minister Kalioxiu dismissed the idea, "We absolutely cannot hand over our compatriots to the Russians. Given the Tsarist Government’s style, it’s uncertain if even half of them would arrive at their destination alive.

It’s better to persuade the Vienna Government to let these compatriots stay in the Asia Minor Peninsula, or if that fails, arrange for them to go to their overseas colonies."

That was the impression the Tsarist Government left on the outside world. Rather than heading to the icy wastes of Siberia, a savage land overseas would be preferable.

At least Austria’s experience with immigration was vast, managing to keep the death rate of migrants at sea to below one percent.

Compared to the Russians’ pedestrian approach to migration, taking a ship was indeed much more comfortable.

There was no choice; Russia’s railways hadn’t reached that far yet. Moreover, the Tsarist Government was reluctant to use so many animals for transporting the migrants.

Besides setting up a few essential supply points along the way, the Tsarist Government was only responsible for dispatching troops to "protect" the migrants’ safety.

Walking was bad enough, but migrants also had to carry a week’s supply of food themselves.

Many places in the Russian Empire were uninhabited for miles. It was uncertain if they would encounter anyone between supply points, so don’t expect to receive additional supplies midway.

If they didn’t bring enough provisions and something unforeseen occurred along the way, whether they could survive depended on the integrity of the escorting officers.

Foreign Minister Nislafov shook his head, "We have already tried to communicate with the Austrians. They suggest we divert the flow.

Take a portion back to our country, speak with the Kingdom of Armenia for settling some, and try to get American countries to accept some of the immigrants.

Out of humanitarian considerations, the Austrians promise to accept some of the elderly, weak, women, and children, but not the intransigent elements.

They suggested handing over those steadfast to the Ottoman Empire to the Russians for reeducation, as that is what the Tsarist Government specializes in."

The Ottoman was a multi-ethnic state; not all ethnicities were enemies. In fact, apart from refusing the most hateful part, Austria too accepted minorities.

They only took in the elderly, weak, women, and children, showing little interest in the much favoured able-bodied workforce.

Ludwig I nodded, "Merely abandoning a portion of the intransigent element, that can be acceptable.

Unfortunately..."

His words stopped abruptly, as some things can be done but not spoken of.

The Greece Government’s intervention in the resettlement was not simply out of ethnic sympathy; they were more intent on consolidating Greek people from within the Ottoman territory to strengthen their influence.

However, everyone could see this kind of maneuver, and naturally, the Vienna Government would not entertain such a headache.